The paramilitary versus the Lumad: A history of state-sponsored oppression

On the term paramilitary, the US Defense Department defines it as “forces or groups distinct from the regular armed forces of any country, but resembling them in organization, equipment, training or mission” (US Defense Department, 2010). There are different types of militia groups in the Philippines and they are classified according to the involvement of the central government and the military. “CAFGUs for instance, are embedded in the military hierarchy. CVOs are an unarmed component of the local defense organization but when used as police force multipliers, the CVOs are being armed. The paramilitary groups (sometimes referred to as vigilante groups) are also employed by the government for counter-insurgency work against separatist and communist armed groups” (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011).

Over several decades, the paramilitary groups in Mindanao have carried out torture, murder, extrajudicial killings, rape, looting of property, forced disappearances, and arson (Human Rights Watch, 2015; Karapatan, 2015; RMP-NMR, 2017). Yet a complete picture of atrocities remains elusive as many abuses go unreported as victims fear retaliation. In the second year of the AFP’s ‘Oplan Bayanihan’, there were 45 extrajudicial killings (EJKs), bringing the death toll to 129 under Aquino administration (RMP-NMR, 2016). Several attacks were directed at Lumad communities and their leaders who took a stand against the entry of large and destructive corporate entities with logging, mining, plantation, and energy interests in their ancestral domains. In a report by the Higala sa Lumad network, 7 out of 37 victims of EJKs are Lumad datus (RMP-NMR, 2016).

Lumad children suffer hardships during evacuations and demolitions, when they are driven from their homes (Vaishnav, 2017). In 2011 alone, 12 children were victims of extrajudicial killings, and at least 3, of frustrated killings—due to indiscriminate firing by soldiers, slay try on an adult companion, or at a violent demolition. Several children were also arrested during violent demolitions or accosted during military operations. At least four children and youths were tagged as “NPA child rebels,” while one was charged with violation to the Human Security. The same Lumad communities are forcibly evacuated in the countryside, as they sought shelter, either from bombings and aerial strikes, or from combat-geared “peace and development teams” and military-sanctioned paramilitary units that swoop down on their communities (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011). Lumad schools, a target of violent rhetoric and red-tagging by President Duterte who calls these as training ground for NPAs, have also been bombed by both state military and paramilitary groups. That is on top of the murder of Emerito Samarca, executive director of ALCADEV, who was found lifeless in one of the classrooms, hogtied with his throat slit in 2015.

During the Aquino regime, the Philippines was also put to task at the Universal Periodic Review of the United Nations Human Rights Council, where at least 22 out of 69 countries called attention to the continuing cases of documented extrajudicial killings, disappearances and torture. Several countries called for the prosecution of former military officials and the dismantling of paramilitary groups. Some urged the Philippine government to act on the requests of UN Special Rapporteurs to visit the country, to which the government gave a tentative response, lamely citing lack of funds (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011).

The perpetrators are identified military units, paramilitary groups formed by or closely linked to the military, and suspected death squads under the AFP’s command. Death squads—motorcycle-riding armed men, whether masked or barefaced—are still being employed to eliminate progressive personalities and suspected rebel supporters (Spear, 2015). Cases of Aquino’s executive order 79 served as marching orders to the Investment Defense Forces—the AFP, the CAFGU, and the paramilitary groups that are accredited as Special Civilian Armed Auxilliary (SCAA)—to clear the mining areas, and remove hindrances such as a resistant populace. In several instances, the military even tried to cover up by claiming that the civilian victims were NPA rebels killed in an encounter with soldiers.

The Murder of Lumad Datus

Over the years, Lumad leaders were recorded to have been killed by members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and other state agents as a response to the unified campaign of Lumad communities against government atrocities.

On March 5, 2012, Jimmy Liguyon, 37, leader of the Matigsalog tribe and village chair of Dao, San Fernando, Bukidnon was shot in front of his house by Alde ‘Butchoy’ Salusad, leader of NIPAR (New Indigenous Peoples’ Army), a paramilitary group. Salusad, accompanied by his men, even declared that he killed Jimmy because he refused to sign a certification for SANMATRIDA, or the San Fernando Matigsalog, Tigwahanon, and Manobo Tribal Datu Association. NIPAR had been terrorizing residents in barangays Dao and Calagangan since the previous year. On August 16, Alde along with soldiers of the 8th IB and the CAFGU, set up four gold processing plants known locally as ‘Bolmellan’. They also cut indigenous trees as materials in constructing tunnels for their mining operation. Prior to that, on August 2, Alde’s father Benjamin ‘Nonong’ Salusad, a CAFGU member, came with 20 of his men and ransacked the tents of Matisalog gold panners in sitio Kiranggol, Dao, looking for gold dust and money. The gold panners returned home sitio Malungon, Calagangan village, but Benjamin Salusad also threatened to kill Datu Malapong Nayan, the tribal chief of the Matisalog in Calagangan, and municipal chair the Lumad group KASILO, which the gold panners belong to (Environmental Justice Atlas, 2012).

Alde Salusad and the NIPAR men had also accosted other residents, taking gold dust and money at gunpoint. They touted their guns around the residents, and even fired shots at children. This has pushed 62 families to leave their villages in late August that year. Some residents went to nearby communities, while others trekked to as far as Quezon, the next town. Those who had no relatives elsewhere went and hid in the forest (Albasin, n.d.). On August 29, the evacuees travelled from Quezon, Bukidnon to the provincial capitol in Malaybalay City where they stayed for a few months only to return again in the next years.

Another tribal leader, Margarito Cabal of Kibawe was shot three times in the chest and once in the back, and was dead on arrival at the hospital. He was known for his firm resistance against the establishment of Hydro-Electric Mega Dam – Pulangui V project of the First Bukidnon Electric Cooperative (FIBECO) which have eventually affected 22 barangays of Bukidnon and North Cotabato (Lopez, 2012). Ten barangays of Kibawe have been affected, including his home in Barangay Tumaras. He campaigned and organized residents of the affected barangays to oppose the construction of the said dam.

On the same year, several Lumad villages in Agusan del Sur refused to attend an assembly where an agreement that would allow entry of the plantation companies would be signed. The assembly was initiated by Ben Hur Mansulonay, a leader of an indigenous paramilitary group controlled by the AFP in San Luis. Since then, the community’s datu were under threat. Datus Lauron and Lapatis also actively campaigned against the entry of large-scale mining companies in Valencia, Bukidnon. Datu Lapatis also reported several incidents of harassments from NIPAR and the 8th IBPA (RMP-NMR, 2016).

In December 2014, village captain and traditional leader Datu Necasio ‘Angis’ Precioso, Sr. was killed by suspected members of a paramilitary group working with the 26th IBPA in San Luis, Agusan del Sur. Prior to his death, Datu Angis had been in an argument with M/Sgt. Andres Villaganas after the military called for members of the Banwaon community for interrogation. During the interrogation, Villaganas accused them of supporting the New People’s Army. In 2015, Manobo children and their families of Lianga, Surigao del Sur were forcibly taken out of their homes on September 1 by paramilitary group Bagani to witness the point-blank execution of tribal leader Dionel Campos and his cousin Aurelio Sinzo. Same perpetrators also bound Emerito Samarca or Tay Emok, ALCADEV’s executive director, by the neck and limbs in the faculty room, then stabbed him in the chest and slit his throat open (Capistrano, 2016).

In September 2016, gunmen who are suspected to be part of paramilitary group Alamara killed three tribal leaders in Lianga, Surigao del Sur (Velez, n.d.). The same group was implicated in numerous attacks during the same year, including nine killings in Cabanglasan, Bukidnon.

Paramilitary versus Lumad: Global Patterns

Colombia. The Katio and Chami peoples committed mass suicide between 2003 and 2004. The suicides took place at a time of extreme change, during which mining and logging companies depleted the jungles of animals that the indigenous peoples once hunted, forcing the once-nomadic Embera to form permanent communities. In this particular discussion of large-scale development projects, there was also reference to the impact of large dam projects upon indigenous communities in Colombia (Saab & Taylor, 2008). Unfortunately, in this case, the human rights violations became so grave as to include forcible removal from homes and lands, destruction of property as well as assassinations and disappearances carried out by paramilitary forces (UNPFII, 2009).

Myanmar. Testimony of abuses by State-controlled military or paramilitary forces has also been repeatedly given. According to information received by the Special Rapporteur on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, members of the village of Tagu Seik, near Einme, were tortured and their community ransacked on the basis of purported communications with another armed opposition group (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011).

Kenya, Guatemala, and Mexico. The general pattern that holds for indigenous women worldwide is their vulnerability to sexual violence. In areas of conflict, indigenous women often fall victims to abuse by members of the military and are subject to sexual enslavement, forced pregnancy, gang-rapes, sexual mutilation and killing. Historically, violence against women was used as a weapon in colonial conquests of indigenous lands, but as recently as the 1980s and 1990s, 1,400 indigenous Samburu women of Kenya were raped by British soldiers stationed on their lands. In the 1980s, indigenous women were targeted for rape as a weapon of war in Guatemala. In the 1990s, indigenous women in Chiapas, Mexico were subject to compulsory servitude in paramilitary camps (UNFPII, 2009).

The rest of Latin America. In 2003, more than 100 indigenous peoples and leaders were murdered and the indigenous community in Sierra Nevada de Santa Maria was forcibly displaced. In the last 15 years, as political violence has escalated, more than 2,660 cases of human rights violations have been reported. Reports confirm that indigenous peoples have been the victims of several massacres perpetrated by paramilitaries, the guerrillas and other armed groups. State-sponsored military activities have included aerial bombing of rural and indigenous communities. Thousands of indigenous peoples have been displaced, resulting in increasing populations of refugees in the neighbouring countries of Brazil, Ecuador, Panama, Peru and Venezuela. Refugees have also fled to urban areas within Colombia where malnutrition and deaths due to hunger have been reported. Throughout the country, forced disappearances of indigenous leaders and representatives have been documented, as have reports of mass arbitrary detentions carried out by the military (UNPFII, 2009). #

= = = =

SOURCES-

1. Albasin, G.C. n.d. Flashback Wednesday: Alde Salusad’s Victims. Cagayan de Oro, Philippines: Mindanao Interfaith Institute on Lumad Studies. Retrieved from http://www.miils.org/type/reports/flashback-wednesday-alde-salusad%E2%80%99s-victims
2. Capistrano, Z.I.M.C. 27 January 2016. “Paramilitary Groups to Lumad schools: ‘all teachers, students will be massacred.’ Davao Today. Retrieved from http://davaotoday.com/main/human-rights/paramilitary-group-to-lumad-schools-all-teachers-students-will-be-massacred
3. Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. July 2011. Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and Private Armies. Geneva, Switzerland: Author.
4. Chambers, P. 2012. “A Precarious Path: The Evolution of Civil-Military Relations in the Philippines.” Asian Security 8 (2): 138-163. Retrieved from https://library.xu.edu.ph, doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2012.686254
5. Defense Department – United States of America. 2010. Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated Terms. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved from https://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/new_pubs/jp1_02.pdf.
6. Environmental Justice Atlas. 2012. “Illegal Gold Mining and Killing of Anti-Mining Indigenous Leader Jimmy Liguyon, Mindanao, Philippines.” EnvironmentalJusticeAtlas.org. Retrieved from https://ejatlas.org/conflict/illegal-gold-mining-and-killing-of-anti-mining-indigenous-leader-jimmy-liguyon-mindano-philippines
7. Karapatan. 2014. Karapatan Year-End Report on the Human Rights Situation in the Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: Author.
8. Human Rights Watch. 23 September 2015. Philippines: Paramilitaries Attack Tribal Villages, Schools. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/09/23/philippines-paramilitaries-attack-tribal-villages-schools
9. Lopez, A.D. 21 May 2012. “Stopping a Hydroelectric Dam.” Davao Today. Retrieved from http://davaotoday.com/main/politics/stopping-a-hydroelectric-dam
10. RMP-NMR. 2016. Peoples’ Rights in the Peripherals: Lumad Rights in the Last 18 Months of President Aquino III.Iligan City, Philippines: Rural Missionaries of the Philippines-Northern Mindanao Region. Retrieved from https://www.rmp-nmr.org.
11. RMP-NMR. 2017. State of Unchange: Lumad Rights a Year into the Duterte Administration. Iligan City, Philippines: Rural Missionaries of the Philippines-Northern Mindanao Region. Retrieved from https://www.rmp-nmr.org.
12. Saab, B.Y. & A.W. Taylor. 2012. “Criminality and Armed Groups: A Comparative Study of FARC and Paramilitary Groups in Colombia.” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32 (6): 455-475. Retrieved from https://library.xu.edu.ph, https://doi.org/10.1080/10576100902892570
13. Spear, L. 15 September 2015. “A ‘Civil War’ Is Being Waged Against Indigenous Tribes in the Southern Philippines, Rights Group Says.” Time. Retrieved from http://time.com/4028811/philippines-lumad-mindanao-indigenous-military-war-killings
14. UN Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. 2009. State of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. New York, NY: Author.
15. Vaishnav, P. 2017. “Child Protection and UNICEF’s Communication and Media Strategy: A Conflict-related Study from Mindanao, Philippines.” In Andersen, R. & P.L. de Silva (editors), Routledge Companion to Media and Humanitarian Action. London, UK: Routledge.
16. Velez, T. n.d. “Alamara, the Paramilitary Gripping Davao’s Lumad Communities.” Cagayan de Oro, Philippines: Mindanao Interfaith Institute on Lumad Studies. Retrieved from http://www.miils.org/type/reports/alamara-paramilitary-gripping-davaos-lumad-communities.

---

This article was originally published by the Mindanao Interfaith Institute on Lumad Studies, a part of the Healing the Hurt Project of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines-Northern Mindanao Region. This project is supported by the European Union.

Views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the RMP-NMR Inc and the “Healing the Hurt” Project partners and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union.

Lumad won't go home if the military continue to operate in the community - tribal leader

Duterte, Del Rosario to tackle Talaingod problem

By Ivy C. Tejano
April 27, 2014


DAVAO CITY Mayor Rodrigo Duterte will be sitting down with Davao del Norte Governor Rodolfo del Rosario along with evacuees from Talaingod, Davao del Norte, some progressive groups, and military officials in the city tomorrow, to address issues that caused the Manobo-tribes to vacate their land.

The mayor, in an interview, said he and the provincial governor scheduled the meeting tomorrow at around 3 p.m. Duterte added that he will try to find a solution to their problem with Davao del Norte Governor Rodolfo del Rosario.

Over a hundred Ata-Manobo residents of Talaingod have sought temporary residence at the Haran House of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) for almost a month now after claiming militarization of their villages and military abuses.

"I have requested [from the military and the Talaingod town evacuees] to have a meeting. Let us find out what ails everybody. I also invited governor del Rosario; he might want to share a moment with us in solving this problem," Duterte said.

"We need to talk. Hindi naman puwedeng ganyan na lang. We need to hear from both sides before we come up with a solution or agreement on what is best for all," Duterte added.

In a separate interview, del Rosario echoed the same reaction. He said the local government cannot conclude anything until the issue has been discussed. He also admitted that he requested the Davao City mayor to help them on the matter.

"When I got this chance talking with Mayor Duterte… we both agreed to meet, to sit down and talk about the problem on how we can settle this with those people [evacuees]. We will try to work something out at sana nga okay ang kinalabasan," del Rosario said.

The Salugpongan Ta Tatanu Ig Kanogon (Unity in Defense of Ancestral Land), Pasaka (Confederation of Lumad Organizations in Southern Mindanao), and other organizations, including lumads, urged the local government to pull out the military from the communities instead.

Groups issued such call following the alleged aerial bombing, massive harassment, and encampment in places where soldiers were not supposed to put up camps. Others from their tribes have sought refuge in Bukidnon, Northern Mindanao.

Datu Duloman, spokesperson of Salugpongan ‘Ta Tanu Ig Kanogon, said that while they long to go home after weeks of staying at the Haran House, they will not do so if the military continue to operate in the community. He added that they do not need the relief goods from the government but to have a peaceful community.

Talaingod town Mayor Basilio A. Libayao earlier denied the accusations of the militant organizers against the local government unit and military. He said there are no reports of harassments and aerial bombing that has been committed by the military in the area.

Colonel Harold Cabreros, commander of the Philippine Army's 1003rd Brigade, also said the residents sought the assistance of their troops from the 60th Infantry Battalion (60IB), 68th IB, and Special Forces, following the presence of the New People's Army (NPA), who installed camps in some areas of Talaingod town.

The Municipal Council of Talaingod declared a state of calamity last April 1 and has allotted an initial amount of P500,000 to cater the needs of the evacuees. But the militant organizations started moving out the evacuees after the declaration, which is an act considered by Libayao as an insult to his constituency.

Aerial bombing, massive harassment, and military encampments caused internal displacement of lumads

Duterte, guv: Stop Army ops in 11 lumad sitios

By Ivy C. Tejano
April 30, 2014
Sunstar Davao

THE residents of Talaingod in Davao del Norte belonging to the Ata-Manobo tribe will be escorted by civilian government officials on May 1 and 2 to bring them home following the agreement that military operations in 11 sitios of barangay Palma Gil in Talaingod will be suspended.

This was the agreement reached on Monday in a meeting that started at 3:15 p.m. and was still ongoing as of presstime at the Grand Men Send Hotel in Davao City.

The meeting was attended by the Talaingod evacuees, the leaders of the United Church of Christ of the Philippines who have been giving shelter to the lumads since April 4 in Davao City, and local and military officials, with Mayor Duterte Davao del Norte Governor Rodolfo del Rosario, and Talaingod Mayor Basilio A. Libayao.

At the same time, another meeting was going on in a different function room regarding a similar problem in Paquibato District of Davao City, but this meeting started a bit later.

The Talaingod lumads belonging to the Ata-Manobo tribe led by the Salugpongan Ta Tatanu Ig Kanogon (Unity in Defense of Ancestral Land) and Pasaka (Confederation of Lumad Organizations in Southern Mindanao) remained firm in their stand that they will only go back to their villages if the military stop their operations.

Datu Dulomon Dawsay, spokesperson of the evacuees said, the military have set up camps in sitio Dolianog, Tulugan, and Igang in barangay Pamla Gil, Talaingod.

Colonel Harold Cabreros, commander of the Philippine Army's 1003rd Brigade, in his presentation said that the reason they are in the area is because of an NPA encampment there, as he showed slides of a recent operations where they were even able to recover cash believed to be fund of the rebels.

Duterte said that the military and the rebels will always be where the other are, but since the problem involves evacuees, then he, with the concurrence of Gov. del Rosario, can only order the military to suspend operations in order to bring the residents home safely.

He said the best he can do with regards the rebels is to appeal to them to suspend operations in Talaingod as well.

In an interview with del Rosario around 6 p.m. Monday, he said, that it was agreed on that the military will pack up their operations in all 11 sitios where they are presently encamped today and that he will expect no military camps there, including those in the barangay center and schools.

The evacuees will then be escorted solely by civilian officials on May 1-2.

He said it was agreed that not one policeman or military will escort the local officials who will be escorting the evacuees to their homes.

Mayor Libayao, meanwhile, assured that should the residents not want to return to their remote villages, their town has relief assistance ready for them.

The lumads who have sought refuge in the city claim aerial bombing, massive harassment, and encampment in places where soldiers were not supposed to put up camps.

Libayao had earlier denied these claims but insists it is the rebels’ presence in the area that has made it necessary for the military to operate there.

Beyond the claims and counter-claims, Mayor Duterte raised his appeal again for the resumption of peace negotiations between the communist rebels and the National Government to bring peace to areas like Talaingod, that are victimized by the never-ending conflict.

Mining and plantation companies will claim our ancestral lands - lumad spokesperson

Tribal leaders urge Duterte to mediate in negotiations

By Ruji Peter S. Abat
April 25, 2014
Sunstar Davao

TRIBAL leaders, who are part of the evacuees from Talaingod, Davao del Norte, re-echoed their call to halt the militarization in their homeland but this time, they want Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte to intervene in the negotiations.

Leader of the Ata Manobo tribe in Barangay Palma Gil in Talaingod and spokesperson for Salugpongan Ta Tanu Igkanogon, Datu Duloman Dawsay told Sun.Star Davao in an interview that he has been very grateful of Duterte for welcoming the evacuees in the city yet he would appreciate him more if the mayor assists them in getting back to their homeland.

"Kaniadto pa gyud dako ug tabang si Mayor Duterte sa amoa apan iya ming natagad kaniadtong namakwit mi tong 1994. Pero unta matabangan pud niya mi ug usab sa among pagpauli pero una una sa gyud nga pahawaon ang militar sa among lugar (Mayor Duterete has helped us before when he gave attention to us when we evacuated in 1994. But we hope that he can help us again in getting back home as long the military are pulled out from our area)," Dawsay said.

He also said that they have yet to personally talk to Duterte as well as Talaingod town Mayor Basilio Libayao and the closest that they got to the government was through the Provincial Board and the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP)-Davao.

"Relief goods are nothing compared to what we are experiencing here and what we have left there. We cannot live in the city and we have left our farms there. We need to get home before our livelihood will be destroyed there," Dawsay added.

Spokesperson for the Pasaka (Confederation of Lumad Organizations in Southern Mindanao) Isidro Andao, in a separate interview, lambasted the intervention of NCIP-Davao claiming that they were suggested to accept the offers of mining companies and plantations in their areas.

"Ang ilang pamaagi sa amoang konsultasyon kay ilang ming padawaton sa mining ug sa laing plantasyon kay mao daw na ang makapalambo sa mga lumad pero dili namo na madawat kay ila gihapon pangkuhaon ang among yutang kabilin (Their suggestion in our consultation was that we should accept the offers of the mining and plantation companies since that will lead to the progress of the lumads but we will not accept that because they will still claim our ancestral lands)," Indao said.

He added that there has still been a conflict between the provisions of the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (Ipra) of 1997 and the People's Small-Scale Mining Act of 1991, thus, there should be amendments that will truly enforce the Ipra.

The lumad "goddess" is a traitor

Lumad 'goddess' storms sanctuary of threatened IPs

By Inday Espina-Varona
07/24/2015
ABS-CBN News

North Cotabato 2nd district Rep. Nancy Catamco calls herself a "Diwata" -- a goddess -- of Mindanao's lumad peoples.

To the threatened indigenous people of Davao del Norte and surrounding provinces, however, she is a traitor. The chair of the House of Representatives Committee on Indigenous Peoples, Catamco, has launched a unique campaign to "rescue" internal refugees -- by delivering them to their tormentors.

---

Related story: Violence ensues as DCPO forcibly enters evacuation center

---

Catamco, cops, and the Alamara paramilitary group stormed on July 23 the Haran Mission House in Davao City of United Church of Christ of the Philippines (UCCP).

The sprawling compound has served for 21 years as sanctuary for lumad fleeing military abuses in Talaingod and Kapalong towns, Davao del Norte.

Fifteen refugees were hurt when truncheon-wielding cops forced down the gate of the UCCP Haran compound and destroyed the temporary shelters of IP folk. Lumad resistance and the intervention of Davao City Vice Mayor Paolo Duterte prevented greater violence.

The raid occurred as children were busy with informal science lessons.

The tension lasted for the better half of a day and included a chase of a mother and daughter “rescued” by state security forces who had snipped through the sanctuary’s barbed wire fence. The rescued pair and their chasing patriarch were the only ones who decided to stay with regional social workers.

Catamco was in the thick of the disturbance, the third incident since she started visiting lumad refugees, on invitation of the Save Our Schools network.

'BRUTAL' BEHAVIOR

The UCCP bishops condemned “the illegal and violent conduct,” including the “brutal” beating of pastors by cops with truncheons and steel shields.

“We are outraged at this show of excessive force more so because the PNP did not have any warrant to enter and search the Church facility, which is a private property,” the UCCP said at a press conference.

Church leaders accused Catamco of failing to heed the demands of the Ata-Manobo for an end to military presence near their schools and homes.



On her first visit, lumad – thinking Catamco was an ally of militant lawmakers who had publicized their plight – gave her a warm welcome.

The atmosphere turned stormy on the second day of dialogue, when she started insulting lumad leaders, demanding their immediate return to Talaingod and Kapalong.

Accusing Catamco and cops of bad faith, UCCP said: “Just a few hours prior to the violent incident, the Church facilitated a dialogue with DSWD and NCIP, and came up with resolutions that they would just attend to the needs of the women and children. But even while the resolution was being firmed out, the PNP terrorized the evacuees with their presence in full riot gear, the presence of paramilitary group ALAMARA, demolition team, fire trucks and military trucks, and then proceeded to destroy the gate and forcibly entered the church premises.”

The lumad and their supporters were ready for the storm because Catamco had earlier vowed she would make sure they returned to their mountain villages.

Her first encounter with the lumad at Haran was friendly. After a brief meeting in the company of Makabayan lawmakers, Catamco had promised to come back with officials of the Department of Social Word and Development, and the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples and the Commission on Human Rights.

But she also arrived with Army generals, the very sector that lumad blame for their plight.

It was in the aftermath of that round when Catamco hurled her first vow to force the lumad back home -- where members of their tribe had been murdered, arrested, ambushed and where soldiers have taken over the only schools that have served the needs of lumad children.

On Thursday, Catamco flexed her political muscle.

The lawmaker had earlier claimed the existence of the Alamara paramilitary needed to be verified. She arrived with the very militia whose existence she had disavowed.

No less than the refugee parents of the Alamara forces confirmed their identities and affiliation. Among the Alamara members was Perut Malibato of Sitio Patel, Barangay Gupitan, Kapalong, Davao del Norte.

It was a tearful reunion between Perut and his parents, Celia and Anayak, and younger brother, Alvin.

Refugee leaders allowed Perut to talk with his family. He tried to convince them to return. They refused, reiterating the condition that earlier angered Catamco – they would return only if systems of reforms guarantee a halt to military abuses.

Duterte agreed to escort Catamco on one more round of the sanctuary. Refugees were asked if they wanted to leave with her or stay on.

The representative wheedled another talk with lumad leaders, singling out Bai Bibyaon Bigkay, a woman Salugpungan leader who had led the welcome committee during Catamco’s first visit.

But Bai Bibyaon, the first woman council head of the Salugpungan, ripped into the congresswoman, accusing her of using guile to create a false picture of lumad forced by outside groups to become refugees.

The tribal leader was referring to Catamco’s first dialogue, wherein she asked who among the lumad wanted to return home. Many hands were raised. But lumad said the agreement was premised on an end to militarization of their communities.

That angered Catamco who, in a second dialogue, warned that the datus in Haran were endangering their traditional leadership status by fleeing. Taking pride in her lumad grandparents, the congresswoman said lumad never abandon territory.

Audio tapes of the dialogues show Catamco wanting an immediate return of lumad to their communities. In contrast, she insisted that solutions to their complaints need to be processed.

In an interview with ABS-CBNnews.com, Catamco said the lumad refugees need to trust the government to resolve their problems, including the military generals she brought to the first few dialogues.

The lawmaker said she was only trying to help lumad and hinted they were being held against their will.

“They wanted pull out of military troops but that cannot be done immediately… there needs to be a process,” Catamco said.

Asked why she was insisting on a homecoming with no safety guarantees, Catamco said the military would assure the safety of the lumad.

But the military is accused of being the main tormentor of the lumad. SOS gave Catamco the data before she joined their fact-finding mission.

Across a swathe of Mindanao’s lushest lands, indigenous children are losing schools and homes. They are also losing parents, whether to the gun or to prison or to flight from threats and harassment.

Close to 3,000 indigenous children from border villages of Davao Oriental, Compostela Valley, Bukidnon and the Agusan provinces are affected by the Department of Education delay in giving permits to their alternative schools.

The military often describes these small, private havens, mostly run by rural missionaries and other faith-based groups, as support infrastructure of communist rebels. The government has a novel solution to the problem.

“They want to embed soldiers and paramilitary forces in these institutions,” said Piya Macliing Malayao, secretary general of KATRIBU (Kalipunan ng mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas), which is part of the SOS network.

Rights violations against children in Mindanao increased from 23 incidents in 2013 to 64 last year, according to the Children’s Rehabilitation Center. In the first four months of 2015, the network has documented 19 incidents, involving thousands of children.

The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines (RMP) reports that 23 indigenous leaders have been killed from October 2014 to June this year, in the Northern Mindanao region alone.

“That is almost three lives mercilessly put out every month,” said the the national inter-diocesan and inter-congregational organization that works with threatened lumad, indigenous peoples in Mindanao.

Forcing the lumad to go back to their villages would not help in addressing the main issues or their demands

Head of house IP panel blasted for 'insulting' lumad says refugees held in 'concentration camp'

By: Lira Dalangin-Fernandez
July 18, 2015
InterAksyon.com

MANILA, Philippines -- Lawmakers from the Makabayan bloc and religious leaders blasted the chairwoman of the House of Representatives’ committee on national cultural communities for “insulting” displaced Ata-Manobo who have sought refuge from militarization at a church compound in Davao City this week.

Sought for her side, Catamco, a Bagobo-Manobo, stood her ground and alleged the lumad are being held under duress at the UCCP compound, which she likened to a “concentration camp” where the indigenous people “are being treated inhumanely.”

In audio files uploaded to the Internet, North Cotabato Representative Nancy Catamco is heard speaking in an angry voice during what was supposed to be a dialogue with the lumad at the United Church of Christ in the Philippines Haran compound.

In one of the files, she raises her voice when a man says they would rather die in the evacuation center than return to their militarized communities.

“Okay, you want to die here? Okay, you want to die here? He said that. You want to die? Alright, those who want to die here, raise your hands. Raise your hands! You want this? Really?” she said.

Saying she only wanted to help solve the lumad’s problems, she went on to say she “cannot understand seeing the children here stinking (baho) like this …”

She also insinuates that the lumad are being held against their will and said if they were genuine evacuees, they should be staying with the Department of Social Welfare and Development, not the church compound.

In another file, she dismisses a man’s assertion that they were seeking a dialogue, saying many dialogues had been held in the past “and yet you keep returning here.”

She also justified the continued military presence in hinterland communities, saying it was needed to protect heavy equipment from being burned by rebels and asking if the lumad were willing to take on the responsibility of preventing this.

In comments sent to InterAksyon about the incident, Catamco said: "Hindi ito healthy at lalong hindi makatao. Imagine, pinagsiksikan sila sa makeshift tents, walang maayos na tulugan, makain at palikuran; and worst, ayaw silang pauwiin at naka-kandado ang gate na walang basta-basta makapasok (This is not healthy and more than that, inhuman. Imagine, they are crammed into makeshift tents, with no proper beds, food or toilets; and worst, they are prevented from returning home and the gates locked to prevent anyone from entering). You visit them and see for yourself."

Catamco had been invited, together with party-list Representatives Luz Ilagan of Gabriela, Carlos Zarate of Bayan Muna and Terry Ridon of Kabataan, by the Save our Schools Network to join a fact-finding mission to investigate human rights violations allegedly committed by the military and paramilitary groups against the lumad in Southern Mindanao.

On July 13, the mission went to Cateel, Davao Oriental and visited a lumad school. The following day the lawmakers met with the evacuees and their datu and other leaders at the UCCP Haran compound, where the Ata-Manobo aired their complaints, including what they said were vilification campaigns mounted by the military and milities against them, volunteer teachers and groups who support them.

At the July 14 meeting, said the Makabayan lawmakers, Catamco suggested they meet again the next day so she could invite officials of the National Commission of Indigenous Peoples.

However, aside from NCIP representatives, Catamco also took with her military officers and other government agencies and told the evacuees to return home, the activist lawmakers said.

They said Catamco humiliated the evacuees when she told them, “Panguli na ‘mo kay baho na kayo ‘mo diri. (You should go home because you are already stinking here).”

"She tried to entice the evacuees to go home by telling them packed lunch and buses had been prepared for them," they added.

The Makabayan lawmakers also accused Catamco of disrespecting Zarate when she cut him off, saying, "I'm not talking to you," when he tried to raise a point during their dialogue. This prompted Zarate to walk out.

"The so-called dialogue turned into a mockery. Ultimately it failed to address the issues of militarization being raised by the evacuees. Her words and deeds were no different in effect from what the military have been inflicting on the lumad: threats, intimidation, harassment, and ridicule," the Makabayan bloc said.

In a separate statement, the UCCP-Southeast Mindanao Jurisdictional Area said it felt "insulted by the fact that she disrespected the sanctuary by misleading us of her true intentions of dragging the issue beyond humanitarian aspect."

The “UCCP Peace Sanctuary is a prophetic witness and humanitarian effort of the church for the lost, the last and the least of our people. It is a place purposely created to accommodate individuals or communities that were deprived, neglected, exploited, harassed, and suppressed with their rights to peace, respect and free as a community,” Bishop Hamuel Tequis of UCCP SEMJA said in the statement.

“Forcing the lumad to go back to their villages would not help in addressing the main issues or their demands. Certain government officials and agencies are just making the situation worse, the fact that they are public servant they should act as genuine servants to the people," he added.

Catamco made derogatory and humiliating statements against the evacuees, their tribal leaders and support groups

Leftist-Catamco clash heats up

By Maricel Cruz
July 19, 2015
Manila Standard Today

THE left-leaning Makabayan Bloc in the House of Representatives continued to lash at North Cotabato Rep. Nancy Catamco on Saturday, accusing her of “egregious disrespect for the sensitivities of Mindanao’s indigenous people” during a supposed dialogue in Davao City.

Bayan Muna Rep. Neri Colmenares denounced Catamco’s “unilateral decision” to inviting to the dialogue military officials whom he said were the ones harassing and intimidating tribesmen and forced them to seek sanctuary in places like the Haran Compound in Davao City.

“Instead of facilitating the dialogue and evincing empathy towards the lumads (tribesmen), Rep. Catamco made derogatory and humiliating statements against the evacuees, their tribal leaders and support groups,” Makabayan said in a statement.

“She gruffly stopped Rep. Carlos I. Zarate when he tried to raise a point, telling him ‘I’m not talking to you.’ That prompted him to walk out of the dialogue, followed by the lumads and their supporters,” the group added.

The group said Catamco, along with Reps. Luz Ilagan of Gabriela, Carlos Zarate of Bayan Muna and Terry Ridon of Kabataan party-list were supposed to be the only ones invited by the non-government Save our Schools Network to join an investigative mission on the harassment and other human rights violations purportedly perpetrated by the military.

But in a text message to The Standard, Catamco denied the accusations of the Makabayan Bloc.

---

Listen: Pakinggan kung paano makitungo si Catamco sa mga lumad

---

“It’s not true. They are liars. They detain the IPs in Haran Compound. The dialogue was properly documented. We have video footage for the whole event,” Catamco said.

“The Haran Compound is not a sanctuary is not a sanctuary for the Ips, as they are saying. This is like a concentration camp. They are being treated inhumanely. This is not healthy and even more inhumane,” Catamco said.

“Imagine, they were crammed in make-shift tents with no proper beddings, food or toilets. And worse, they were not allowed to go home and the gate was padlocked. You visit them and see for yourself;” Catamco said.

The Makabayan Bloc said last July 13, the mission went to Cateel, Davao Oriental and visited a school established by the lumads.

The following day the four legislators met with the evacuees and their leaders at the United Church of Christ Philippines’ Haran Compound in Davao City, the group said.

The Makabayan Bloc said the evacuees presented several concerns to them, including the military and paramilitary harassments and vilification campaign against the lumads, volunteer teachers and their support groups

“At that meeting Rep. Catamco suggested that they meet again the following morning and she would bring along officials of the National Commission of Indigenous Peoples. The lumad leaders welcomed her suggestion.

“...Rep. Catamco further humiliated the evacuees when she uttered, “Panguli na mo kay baho na kayo mo diri. (You should go back to your homes because you are already stinky here).”

She tried to entice the evacuees to go home by telling them packed lunch and buses had been prepared for them.

“Worse, Rep. Catamco went on questioning the datus if they were really tribal leaders, because according to her myopic view, “leaders should not leave their communities.” And she maliciously asked several participants in the dialogue if they were members of the NPA or of NGOs,” the Makabayan Bloc charged.